Nikozitambirwa

Monday, May 15, 2006

Répertoire des fichiers RWANDANET sur TRIPOD. Ukozivuze Nikozitambirwa

http://rwandanet.tripod.com/fichiers/index.html
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/abdulruzibiza.html

Ubuhamya bwa Abdul Ruzibiza
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/abdulruzibizabilingue.html
Témoignage d’Abdul Ruzibiza traduit du Kinyarwanda en français (mars 2004)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/abdulruzibizatestimony.html
Testimony of Abdul Ruzibiza.
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/abdulruzibizatraduit.html
Témoignage d’Abdul RUZIBIZA
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/anastasegasana1993.html
ASSOCIATION CLUB DE REFLEXION DES INTELLECTUELS RWANDAIS (lettre du 27 février 1993)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/articlerwandaseptembre2000.html
Rwanda : politique de terreur, privilège d'impunité (cet article est paru dans le numéro de la revue Esprit, août/septembre2000), Rony Brauman, Stephen Smith, Claudine Vidal
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/constitution10-06-1991
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/constitution10juin1991.html
Rwanda: Constitution du 10 juin 1991.
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/constitution4juin2003.html
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/constitution4juin2003franc.htm
Rwanda: Constitution du 4 juin 2003.
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/constitution4june2003.html
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF RWANDA.
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/constitution4kamena2003.html
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/itegekonshinga4-06-2003
ITEGEKO NSHINGA RYA REPUBULIKA Y’U RWANDA
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/electionsorganiclaw.html
ORGANIC LAW N° 17/2003 OF 07/7/2003 GOVERNING PRESIDENTIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/furuma.html
Alphonse Furuma : Open letter 23/01/2001.
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/interviewclaudinevidal2004.html
Interview de Claudine Vidal paru dans la Chronique d’Amnesty International (avril 2004)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/lahaye12-04-1930
Convention concernant certaines questions relatives aux conflits de lois sur la nationalité. Signée à La Haye, le 12 avril 1930
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/lawpoliticalorganizations.html
ORGANIC LAW N° 16/2003 OF 27/06/2003 GOVERNING POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS AND POLITICIANS
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/lettrebizimakaraha.html
Lettre de Paul Kagame à Bizima Karaha (Karahamuheto) du 9 août 2004.
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/loi_electorale.html
LOI ORGANIQUE N° 17/2003 DU 07/7/2003 RELATIVE AUX ELECTIONS PRESIDENTIELLES ET LEGISLATIVES
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/loipartispolitiques.html
LOI ORGANIQUE N° 16/2003 DU 27/06/2003 REGISSANT LES FORMATIONS POLITIQUES ET LES POLITICIENS
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/ngurumbe.html
Entretien avec Ngurumbe Aloys (sur l’origine du terme « Inyenzi »)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/nkikonsengimana2003.html
QUELQUES ELEMENTS D’ANALYSE POLITOLOGIQUE DE L’HECATOMBE RWANDAISE DE 1994 - Rapport établi par Nkiko NSENGIMANA, Docteur ès Sciences Politiques
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rwanda.pdf
‘It’s time to open up’ (Ten years after the genocide in Rwanda: A Christian Aid report on government accountability, human rights and freedom of speech )
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rwandaelections2003.html
Rwanda : L’espoir en trompe-l’oeil (par Claudine Vidal, Nouvelobs Hebdo , Semaine du jeudi 19 juin 2003 - n°2015 - Monde )
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/sostabara10apres.pdf
Rwanda 10 ans après … du déni des droits à l’engagement des jeunes citoyens »
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/sostabaratransfertarusha.html
SOS Tabara contre le « Transfert au Rwanda des détenus condamnés par le TPIR. »
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/strizek.pdf
Helmut Strizek: CENTRAL AFRICA: 15 YEARS AFTER THE END OF THE COLD WAR. THE INTERNATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/thehague12-04-1930
Convention on Certain Questions relating to the Conflict of Nationality Laws (The Hague, 12 April 1930)
http://untreaty.un.org/unts/60001_120000/19/9/00036443.pdf
Convention on Certain Questions relating to the Conflict of Nationality Laws (The Hague, 12 April 1930)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/turquoise1994.html
L'opération turquoise : courage et dignité ( PAR ÉDOUARD BALLADUR) [23 août 2004]
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/ubuhamyabwaruyenzi.html
GENERAL MAJOR PAUL KAGAME NIWE URI INYUMA Y’IHANURWA RY’INDEGE YA NYAKWIGENDERA HABYARIMANA : UBUHAMYA BW’UWABIHAGAZEHO
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/verwimp_genocide.pdf
Testing the Double-Genocide Thesis for Central and Southern Rwanda ( PHILIP VERWIMP )
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/vidalcommemorationgenocide.html
LES COMMÉMORATIONS DU GÉNOCIDE AU RWANDA (par Claudine Vidal)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/belgique_diprivecode2004.html
16 JUILLET 2004. - Loi portant le Code de droit international privé
http://rwanda.skynetblogs.be/
1. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/28mutarama1961_gitarama.pdf
UMUNSI WA DEMOKARASI
2. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/AfricanAffairsFilipReyntjens.pdf
FROM GENOCIDE TO DICTATORSHIP (by Filip Reyntjens)
3. http://wwwgeocities.com/rwandanet/Aloys_Ruyenzi.html
LT Aloys RUYENZI arashinja Perezida Paul KAGAME
4. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/UbuhamyaBwaLtAloysRUYENZI.pdf
LT Aloys RUYENZI arashinja Perezida Paul KAGAME
5. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/AnastaseGASANA1993.doc
Lettre de l'inénarrable Anastase Gasana février 1993
6. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/AuditionPaulinMurayi.pdf
Témoignage de Paulin Murayi au Sénat de Belgique
7. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/ClaudineVidalCommemorationGenocide.doc
C. VIDAL: Les commémorations du génocide au Rwanda
8. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/DeclarationDEstellencs.doc
DECLARATION D’ESTELLENCS 2 mai 2004
9. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/DeclarationDEstellencs.pdf
DECLARATION D’ESTELLENCS 2 mai 2004
10. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/DiscoursPaulKAGAME7mai2004.pdf
10. bis http://akaminuramuhini.skynetblogs.be/
VERBATIM: Ijambo ry'akaminuramuhini rya Paul Kagame ryo kuwa 07-05-2004
11. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/ElectionsOrganicLaw2July2003.doc
LAW GOVERNING PRESIDENTIAL AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS
13. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/IMYANDIKIREyemeweYIKINYARWANDA.pdf
Imyandikire yemewe y'ikinyarwanda
14. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/Ikinyarwanda.doc
Imyandikire yemewe y'ikinyarwanda
15. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/INDYOHESHABIRAYI.doc
INDYOHESHABIRAYI (Padiri Alegisi KAGAME)
16. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/INTERAHAMWEGasanaAnastase.pdf
INTERAHAMWE ZA MUVOMA (Anastase GASANA, 14 mai 1992)
17. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/InterviewClaudineVIDAL2004.doc
Interview de Claudine Vidal paru dans la Chronique d’Amnesty International (avril 2004)
18. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/JugementPenalGabonais.pdf
Tribunal correctionnel de Boué, 22 avril 1964
19. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/Kagame2004reconciliation.html
Discours de Paul Kagame 07-05-2004
20. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/KibehoArticleDeClaudineVidal.pdf
Article de Claudine Vidal paru dans Les Temps modernes, n° 627, "L'humanitaire", avril-mai-juin 2004, p. 92-107.
21. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/LIPRODHORjuin2004PARTIM2.pdf
Rapport de la Commission parlementaire sur l'idéologie génocidaire Juin 2004 (p.60 à 157)
22. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/LOIPartisPolitiques.doc
Loi régissant les formations politiques et les politiciens
23. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/LawPoliticalOrganizations.doc
LAW GOVERNING POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS AND POLITICIANS
28. bis http://rwandanet.skynetblogs.be/
32. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/Loi_electorale.doc
LOI ORGANIQUE N° 17/2003 DU 07/7/2003 RELATIVE AUX ELECTIONS PRESIDENTIELLES ET LEGISLATIVES
33. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/Ngurumbe.doc
33. bis http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/UbuhamyaBwaNgurumbe.pdf
Entretien avec Ngurumbe Aloys (sur l’origine du terme « Inyenzi »)
34. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/NkikoNSENGIMANAexpertiseTPIRmai03.DOC
QUELQUES ELEMENTS D’ANALYSE POLITOLOGIQUE DE L’HECATOMBE RWANDAISE DE 1994
35. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/RwandaConstitutionEnglish.doc
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF RWANDA.
36. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/TemoignageDeRuzibiza.doc
Témoignage d'Abdul Ruzibiza sur l'attentat du 6 avril 1994 et sur le génocide rwandais
37. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/UbuhamyaBwaLtAloysRUYENZI.pdf
Ubuhamya bwa LT Aloys RUYENZI
38. http://www.geocities.com/rwandanet/abdul_ruzibiza.html
Ubuhamya bwa Abdul Ruzibiza.Autres fichiers RWANDANET sur TRIPOD
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/furuma.html
Alphonse FURUMA Open Letter23/01/2001To H.E.Paul Kagame,Also RPF CHAIRMAN,and Chairman RPA CommandKigali, Rwanda
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/ikinyarwanda.pdf
AMABWIRIZA YA MINISITIRI N/13.02/ 03.2/ 003 YO KU WA 2 N YAKANGA1985 YEREKEYE INYAN DIKO YEMEWE Y’IKINYARWANDA.
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/interviewclaudinevidal2004.html
Interview de Claudine Vidal,Directrice de recherches émérite au CNRS, paru dans la Chronique d’Amnesty International (avril 2004)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/kagame_discours7mai2004.html
Ijambo Perezida Paul Kagame yavugiye i Kigali ku italiki 07-05-2004 igihe yafunguraga inama ya gatatu y'igihugu ku Bumwe n'Ubwiyunge yateranye kuva ku italiki 7 kugeza ku ya 9 gicurasi 2004.
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/lahaye12-04-1930
Convention concernant certaines questions relatives aux conflits de lois sur la nationalité.Signée à La Haye, le 12 avril 1930
Convention concernant certaines questions relatives aux conflits de lois sur la nationalité.Signée à La Haye, le 12 avril 1930
http://untreaty.un.org/unts/60001_120000/19/9/00036443.pdf
Convention concernant certaines questions relatives aux conflits de lois sur la nationalité.Signée à La Haye, le 12 avril 1930
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/la_haye_12_04_1930.pdf
Convention concernant certaines questions relatives aux conflits de lois sur la nationalité.Signée à La Haye, le 12 avril 1930
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/lawpoliticalorganizations.html
ORGANIC LAW N° 16/2003 OF 27/06/2003 GOVERNING POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS AND POLITICIANS
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/lettrebizimakaraha.html
REPUBLIQUE RWANDAISE Kigali, 9 août 2004
BUREAU DU PRESIDENT
N/Réf : 3367/01/CB.02/04
A Son Excellence BIZIMA KARAHAMUHETO
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/loi_electorale.html
LOI ORGANIQUE N° 17/2003 DU 07/7/2003 RELATIVE AUX ELECTIONS PRESIDENTIELLES ET LEGISLATIVES
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/loipartispolitiques.html
LOI ORGANIQUE N° 16/2003 DU 27/06/2003 REGISSANT LES FORMATIONS POLITIQUES ET LES POLITICIENS
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/misago.html
Le rapport de la Commission spéciale du Parlement rwandais me calomnie
EVECHE DE GIKONGORO B. P. 77 GIKONGORORWANDA / AFRIQUETel (+250)535077 - (+250)535079Fax (+250)535078E-mail : evechegik@yahoo.fr
le 25 août 2004
+ Augustin MISAGO Evêque de GikongoroRWANDA
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/ngurumbe.html
Entretien avec Ngurumbe Aloys (sur l’origine du terme « Inyenzi ») («Twaganiriye na Muzehe Ngurumbe Aloys» par Rangira et Kalinganire, Kanguka n°52, 5ème année, 12 février 1992, traduit du kinyarwanda par Eugène Shimamungu)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/nikozitambirwa.jpg
Nikozitambirwa for President !
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/nkikonsengimana2003.html
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/nkiko_expertisetpir.pdf
QUELQUES ELEMENTS D’ANALYSE POLITOLOGIQUE DE L’HECATOMBE RWANDAISE DE 1994
RAPPORT D’EXPERTISE REQUIS POUR LE TRIBUNAL PENAL INTERNATIONAL SUR LE RWANDA DANS L'AFFAIRE : LE PROCUREUR CONTRE JEAN DE DIEU KAMUHANDAICTR-99-54A
Rapport établi par Nkiko NSENGIMANA Docteur ès Sciences PolitiquesLausanne, décembre 2002.
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/presse124avril2004.html
La revue hebdomadaire de la presse rwandaiseN° 124 du 18 au 24 avril 2004
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/reyntjens.html
RWANDA, TEN YEARS ON:FROM GENOCIDE TO DICTATORSHIP FILIP REYNTJENS
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rusesabagina.jpg
Photo Rusesabagina
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/ruzibiza_fashaho2mai2004.html
Interview du journaliste Phocas Fashaho de la Voix de l’Amérique avec Abdul Ruzibiza ancien officier de l’Armée du FPR, Dimanche le 2 mai 2004.(traduit du kinyarwanda par E. Shimamungu).
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rwanda.pdf
‘It’s time to open up’Ten years after the genocide in Rwanda:A Christian Aid report on government accountability,human rights and freedom of speechMarch 2004 - Christian Aid
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rwanda1995marclepape.pdf
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rwanda1995marclepape.html
Temps Modernes, 583, juillet-août 1995 Marc Le Pape*: Des journalistes au RwandaL’histoire immédiate d’un génocide
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rwanda1997marclepape.pdf
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rwanda1997marclepape.html
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rwanda1997marclepape.doc
AFRIQUE CONTEMPORAINE, 183, juillet-septembre 1997La presse française et le sort des réfugiés rwandais au Congo-Zaïreoctobre 1996 - août 1997Marc Le Pape*
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/rwandaelections2003.html
Nouvelobs Hebdo : Rwanda : L'espoir en trompe-l'œil
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Semaine du jeudi 19 juin 2003 - n°2015 - Monde
Neuf ans après le génocide
Rwanda : L’espoir en trompe-l’oeil
L’adoption d’une nouvelle Constitution ouvrant la voie à des élections démocratiques devrait permettre à la société rwandaise de surmonter enfin ses traumatismes. Et pourtant... par Claudine Vidal
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/sekibaraforpresident.jpg
Imams on Bush reelection 2004
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/sostabara10apres.pdf
OBSERVATIONS SUR LE« PROJET DE LA COMMUNAUTÉ FRANÇAISEWALLONIE-BRUXELLES :Rwanda 10 ans après … du déni des droitsà l’engagement des jeunes citoyens »SOS TABARA – HELP, asbl.Rue de Belgrade, 1341060 Bruxellessostabara@hotmail.comBruxelles, le 15 Mars 2004
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/strizek.pdf
Transfert AU Rwanda deS DETENUS condamnés par le TPIR.SOS TABARA – HELP, asbl Bruxelles, le 10 juillet 2004 Rue Belgrade, 134 1060 BRUXELLES Email : sostabara@hotmail.com
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/temoignageruzibiza.html
TEMOIGNAGE DESTINE A MONTRER A QUEL POINT L’ETAT RWANDAIS ET LE FRONT PATRIOTIQUE RWANDAIS (FPR) ONT UNE ENORME RESPONSABILITE DANS LE GENOCIDE RWANDAIS. (ABDUL RUZIBIZA, RUZIBIZA J-ABDUL Birkenesveien, 62, 4647 Brennâsen, NORGE, Sé 14-03-2004)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/thehague12-04-1930
Convention on Certain Questions relating to the Conflict of Nationality Laws (The Hague, 12 April 1930)
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/turquoise1994.html
AFRIQUE La polémique sur le génocide hutu-tutsi d'il y a dix ans
L'opération turquoise : courage et dignité PAR ÉDOUARD BALLADUR * [23 août 2004]
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/ubuhamyabwaruyenzi.html
GENERAL MAJOR PAUL KAGAME NIWE URI INYUMA Y’IHANURWA RY’INDEGE YA NYAKWIGENDERA HABYARIMANA : UBUHAMYA BW’UWABIHAGAZEHO
Norway, 05/07/20042nd Lt Aloys RUYENZI(Signed)Contact : aruyenzi2000@yahoo.com
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/verwimp_genocide.pdf
Testing the Double-Genocide Thesisfor Central and Southern RwandaPHILIP VERWIMPEconomics Department Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/vidalcommemorationgenocide.html
LES COMMÉMORATIONS DU GÉNOCIDE AU RWANDA, par Claudine Vidal
http://rwandanet.tripod.com/villesrwanda.pdf

Rwanda: Liste des personnes suspectes d’avoir commis le crime de génocide au Rwanda en 1994 et se trouvant à l’Etranger

RWANDA/JUSTICE - LE RWANDA PUBLIE LA LISTE DES SUSPECTS DU GENOCIDE ENCORE LIBRES A L'ETRANGER

Agence Hirondelle d'information, de documentation et de formation, Arusha (Tanzanie): News

12.05.06

RWANDA/JUSTICE - LE RWANDA PUBLIE LA LISTE DES SUSPECTS DU GENOCIDE ENCORE LIBRES A L'ETRANGER

Arusha, 11 mai 2006 (FH) - Le gouvernement rwandais a de nouveau pris tout le monde à contre-pied en diffusant au cours des derniers jours une nouvelle liste de personnes suspectées d'avoir participé au génocide de 1994 et vivant à l'étranger.

Le gouvernement rwandais affirme que ces personnes sont désormais visées par des mandats d'arrêts internationaux. Il demande aux pays qui les abritent de les interpeller, de les juger ou de les transférer à Kigali.

Cette liste, selon le procureur adjoint de la République rwandaise, Martin Ngoga, contient 171 noms et elle a été remise aux diplomates occidentaux lors d'une réunion organisée à leur intention.

Selon le journal pro-gouvernemental, New Times, la France serait le pays qui héberge le plus grand nombre de suspects visés : huit. Parmi ces derniers figurerait, selon le journal, Agathe Habyarimana, l'ancienne première dame du pays, épouse du chef de l'Etat Juvénal Habyarimana.

Dans une déclaration à l'Agence France Presse, l'avocat général, Emmanuel Rukangira, a confirmé qu'une liste avait été transmise comprenant 93 noms de suspects localisés, notamment en France, en Belgique, au Kenya, en Tanzanie ou en République démocratique du Congo.

Le Rwanda a demandé aux représentants de ces pays ainsi qu'à d'autres diplomates les personnes visées par ces mandats soient jugées là où elles résident ou qu'elles soient extradées.

Depuis le début des poursuites contre des génocidaires, l'absence de traité d'extradition entre le Rwanda et les pays où vivent ces suspects a compliqué ces demandes.

Le Rwanda avait déjà lors des années qui avaient suivi le génocide publié une liste de 2000 principaux suspects mais ce document avait vite été dévalorisé en raison d'imprécisions. Il avait jusqu'à présent gardé secret cette liste qui vient de paraître autorisant ses détracteurs à critiquer une accusation à géométrie variable.

A Arusha, le TPIR a reçu cette liste, a-t-on appris jeudi de source officielle. Plusieurs noms qui y figurent sont parmi les personnes encore recherchées par le tribunal et devront donc lui être confiés afin qu'ils soient jugés, ajoute-t-on de source officielle.

«La meilleure défense, c'est l'attaque » a déclaré pour sa part un avocat qui veut y voir un signe d'inquiétude du régime de Kigali devant l'évolution des procédures qui pourraient , lui aussi, le viser.

PB/GF

© Agence Hirondelle
_______________________________________________
Fondation Hirondelle
Lausanne, Suisse
Tel : +41 21 654 20 20
Email :
info@hirondelle.org Agence Hirondelle
Arusha, Tanzanie
Tel : +255 741 51 08 94
Email :
hirondelle@habari.co.tz

Liste des personnes suspectes d'avoir commis le crime de génocide au Rwanda en 1994 et se trouvant à l'Etranger

Wednesday, May 10, 2006

Smearing a Hero: Sad Revisionism Over 'Hotel Rwanda'



By Terry George

Wednesday, May 10, 2006; Page A25

Paul Rusesabagina, the real-life hero of the movie "Hotel Rwanda," is being denounced by some in his country as a traitor and a criminal. Perhaps he helped bring some of this abuse on himself, but none of it is deserved. As director and producer of the film, I'd like to explain.

To make a film of a true story you must compress timelines, create composite characters and dramatize emotions. When it came to making "Hotel Rwanda" -- the story of how Paul Rusesabagina saved the lives of hundreds of people who took shelter from the 1994 genocide in the hotel he managed -- I was obsessed with getting it right. The Rwandan episode was a slaughter of unimaginable horror and magnitude, yet I firmly believed I had found a story that showed that even in the midst of such horror the human capacity for good can triumph.

Before making the film, I grilled Rusesabagina and read all I could about his experience. I traveled to Brussels and Rwanda, and I met survivors from his hotel, some of whom still worked there. No one contradicted his story.

When the film was released, Rusesabagina was acknowledged as a hero not just by ordinary people across the United States and Europe but also by diplomats, politicians, journalists and Rwandan officials in diplomatic posts here. Rwandan expatriates gave testimony to the veracity of the film, as did people who had been in the hotel and who tearfully acknowledged Rusesabagina's role.

Last May I had the chance to meet Rwandan President Paul Kagame in Rwanda. I sat beside him as he and his wife and most of Rwanda's parliament watched the movie. Afterward he leaned over to me and said the film had done much good around the world in exposing the horrors of the genocide. The next evening, I screened the film at Amahoro Stadium for some 10,000 people. It was the most emotional screening I have ever been at. I spent close to an hour afterward accepting thanks and congratulations.

But there was one empty seat at both screenings -- the one reserved for Paul Rusesabagina. Two days before, as I waited for him to join me at the boarding gate in Brussels for the flight to Kigali, he called to say he had decided not to travel to Rwanda. On his speaking tours around the United States and Europe, he had begun to criticize Kagame's government, saying that the last election in Rwanda, in which Kagame received 90.5 percent of the vote, was not democratic and that true peace would come to Rwanda only when it had an inclusive government. Because of his criticism, Rusesabagina said, he had been advised that it would not be safe for him. I could not persuade him to come.

Last fall his fears were borne out when Rwandan journalists and politicians began a smear campaign against him. On Oct. 28 a reporter for the Rwandan daily newspaper the New Times ran a long story on the "true nature" of Rusesabagina, which quoted a former receptionist at the hotel as saying that he had saved only his few friends, and that he had charged people to stay in the rooms (a fact we had highlighted and explained in the film). Buried at the end of the piece was probably the true fear of the Rwandan authorities: that Rusesabagina planned to form a political party.

The newspaper attacks on Rusesabagina have steadily escalated. In November he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President Bush. Six days later a New Times editorial said he would "go down in the annals of history as a man who sold the soul of the Rwandan Genocide to amass medals."

In February Kagame joined the campaign -- cryptically at first. In a speech at Amahoro Stadium to mark National Heroes Day, Kagame said Rwanda's heroes are not made in America, Europe or in Asia; cinema or film stars have no place on the list of national heroes. He went on to make several veiled comments about "a manufactured hero."

A few days later Rwandan Radio ran a two-hour live talk show about Rusesabagina. The speakers included genocide survivors and, sadly, some old friends of Rusesabagina's. Francois Xavier Ngarambe, the president of Ibuka, the umbrella body of genocide survivors' associations, ended the show by claiming: "He has hijacked heroism. He is trading with the genocide. He should be charged."

I called Rusesabagina in Brussels to discuss what was going on. He said he saw the smear campaign as confirmation of his previous fears and of his reservations about the Kagame regime. His new autobiography, "An Ordinary Man," will only make things worse, as in his last chapter he writes, "Rwanda is today a nation governed by and for the benefit of a small group of elite Tutsis. . . . Those few Hutus who have been elevated to high-ranking posts are usually empty suits without any real authority of their own. They are known locally as Hutus de service or Hutus for hire."

On April 6, the 12th anniversary of the genocide, Kagame launched his first attack on Rusesabagina, saying, "He should try his talents elsewhere and not climb on the falsehood of being a hero, because it's totally false." I pray that this situation can be resolved. The millions who saw "Hotel Rwanda" and received its message of hope ought to know that they were not duped.

I understand Paul Rusesabagina's desire to foster inclusiveness in Rwanda. I understand, as well, Kagame's legitimate fear that the country has suffered too much, too recently, to allow divisions to be fostered. There are many politicians here and abroad who could mediate this clash. "Hotel Rwanda 2" is a sequel I never want to make.

Terry George was co-writer, director and producer of the film "Hotel Rwanda."

Washington Post, United States
By Terry George. Paul Rusesabagina, the real-life hero of the movie "Hotel Rwanda," is being denounced by some in his country as a traitor and a criminal. ...

Thursday, May 04, 2006

Rewriting Rwanda: Furious Blacks, Lying Whites: Rwanda 1990–1994 - By Pierre Péan

Pierre Péan

By Mark Doyle

May/June 2006
Noires fureurs, blancs menteurs: Rwanda 1990–1994
(Furious Blacks, Lying Whites: Rwanda 1990–1994)
By Pierre Péan
544 pages, Paris: Mille Et Une Nuits, 2005 (in French)

Between April and July 1994, I spent most of my time reporting on the genocide in Rwanda for the BBC. One day I would be counting cadavers piled high in a rural church; on another, I would interview perpetrators or victims. I remember looking out from a half-destroyed Kigali hotel at red-hot tracer bullets forming an arc in the night sky. I recall interviewing the International Red Cross representative—one of the few foreign aid workers not to have run away—who said into my microphone, “I stopped counting at 500,000 dead.”

What happened in Rwanda in 1994 is now fairly common knowledge. Just for the record, though, here are the facts as I understand them: The genocide was perpetrated by an extremist ethnic Hutu regime that responded to a military attack by ethnic Tutsi rebels by trying to murder all Tutsis—as well as those Hutus prepared to make peace with the minority Tutsis.

For several years prior to the genocide, the majority Hutus had received French diplomatic and military backing. By contrast, the Tutsi-dominated Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), who led the rebellion, had been brought up in exile in neighboring, English-speaking Uganda. By the end of July 1994, an estimated 800,000 were dead, the vast majority of them Tutsi. The operation was extremely well organized. The Hutus killed at a rate faster than the Nazis killed Jews in World War II.

Thus far, I think the author of Noires fureurs, blancs menteurs Rwanda 1990–1994 (Furious Blacks, Lying Whites: Rwanda 1990–1994) would hardly disagree with me. But in this controversial new book, French investigative journalist Pierre Péan goes on to claim that the real catalyst of the genocide was not the Hutu regime, but the Tutsi rebel who allegedly shot down Hutu President Juvénal Habyarimana’s plane on the night of April 6, 1994. This event triggered the genocide.

Tipped off by the publisher’s blurb on the cover, I prepared myself for crude historical revisionism. But this is not, for the most part, a crude book. Péan doesn’t deny the genocide. He says it was “barbarous.” But, he says, the context is all-important, and the “official history” (told by the Tutsi rebels who won a military victory over the Hutu government and ended the genocide) fails to explain the entire story of such massive killing.

The context is the years that led up to the war—during which, according to Péan, the minority RPF forced itself onto the scene and committed gross human rights violations—and the years that followed. He cites the wars in the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo, which followed the genocide, as some of the worst acts committed by the RPF. Rwanda’s support for two invasions of the Congo undoubtedly contributed to millions of deaths in that country. This context is important and valid. It can also be twisted to distract from the indisputable facts of the genocide.

Péan relates how a cabal of white writers and propagandists in Europe have, according to him, lied by promoting the narrow “official” version of events while hiding examples of the RPF’s malfeasance. He then painfully attempts to exonerate France from blame for arming the Hutu génocidaires. Moreover, he glosses over some of the more important aspects of the French military intervention in southwest Rwanda at the height of the killing, when they created a so-called humanitarian zone—namely, that France allowed some extremist Hutus to escape; extracted some key members of the genocidal regime; and refused to support the United Nations in its efforts to save lives.

One of the main building blocks of Péan’s “other side” of the story is the judicial inquiry mounted by leading French investigating judge, Jean-Louis Bruguière. Because the crew of Habyarimana’s plane was French (and all on board were killed when it spiraled into the ground near Kigali Airport), Bruguière was mandated to investigate. Although the judge’s inquiry has not been made public and the case has not been brought to court, a March 2004 scoop in the French daily Le Monde revealed that Bruguière’s report claimed the assassination was organized by the RPF commander, Paul Kagame—who happens to be the current president of Rwanda. What’s more, Péan argues that Kagame committed this act knowing it would provoke a massacre; that Kagame knowingly sacrificed hundreds of thousands of Tutsis in a calculated bid for power.

In 2004, I asked Kagame about Bruguière’s reported allegation. The Rwandan president said the accusation was ridiculous, part of a plan by French authorities to hide French connivance with Hutu extremists. Of course, it’s unsurprising that Kagame denies the charge. But it is still feasible the plane was shot down by extremist Hutus who feared the political compromises Habyarimana was considering, and so they killed him to serve as the signal that the genocide should begin. It is also feasible that Kagame’s men shot down the plane as an act of war, not realizing it would spark genocide. The author’s take is that the RPF surely must have known massacres on a huge scale would follow the attack. But how could anyone predict such a thing with certainty?

Péan interviews several people reportedly mentioned in the French judicial inquiry and numerous exiles now opposed to the Kagame regime. His nearly exclusive reliance on French sources—and on Rwandan opponents of Kagame—is a problem. He seems to swallow some stories and believe sources without stopping to question them. For example, the author claims to have a radio intercept (presumably collected by the Hutu government or the French) of a message Kagame sent to an RPF commander in Kigali in December 1993. In this message, Kagame allegedly says: “The general aim . . . is the physical liquidation of certain civil and military authorities at certain precise dates and on orders. You’ll get the list of victims later, but Number One is well known!”

Is it really credible that a military leader such as Kagame, who is widely respected (and feared) for his tactical skills, would send a radio message on such a sensitive subject on a frequency that the French or their Rwandan allies could intercept? Is it really credible that Kagame would incriminate himself in such a message and, further, phrase it in this rather childish way? It looks to me that some of the messages Péan attributes to the RPF could be propaganda planted by the French or their allies.

My doubts were reinforced by a few elements in this book that I know are wrong. For example, Péan accuses the commander of the small and beleaguered U.N. force in Rwanda in 1994, the Canadian Lt. Gen. Roméo Dallaire, of being in the pocket of the United States. That is absurd; Dallaire was extremely critical of the underwhelming U.S. role during the genocide. His critiques were made in private during his U.N. command and in public in his 2003 book on Rwanda.

The ridiculous accusation that Dallaire was pro-American appears to come from the same school of thought, led by French politicians at the time, that there was an “Anglo-Saxon” conspiracy against France—a plot that Péan appears determined to unmask. Maybe there was a plot. But this work doesn’t prove one, and, frankly, the swipe against the Canadian general is so wide off the mark that it makes one question some of Péan’s other arguments. The book will be devoured by some and rejected by others. It will add to the debate but will not be seen as fair—like, I suppose, almost everything surrounding the awful history of Rwanda.

That is a shame, because Péan’s book contains interesting passages—especially those based on the archives of the French presidency and interviews with French soldiers who served in Rwanda. The discussions of Rwanda in the French cabinet are fascinating; the late French President François Mitterrand appears to have been at the forefront of those who suspected a plot against French interests in Africa. And some of the accounts of the key role French soldiers played in stopping a rebel advance in 1993 also shed some fresh light on the run-up to the genocide. The problem with this work is that the search for context—the other wars, the undoubted RPF abuses—is based, in part, on evidence of widely varying credibility. The six-year Bruguière judicial inquiry, for example, is offered as evidence alongside what look like dodgy radio intercepts. When attempting to reinterpret the history of one of the most violent episodes of the 20th century, a bit more consistency and credibility is required.

What Péan fails to do, perhaps for obvious reasons given his message, is actually step foot in Rwanda to pursue his questions. It is a serious weakness to his effort. His publisher tells me he did not visit Rwanda “by choice.” After this book, though, it seems doubtful he would ever be allowed to go there as long as the authoritarian RPF government rules the country.
Mark Doyle is a BBC world affairs correspondent. He was an East Africa correspondent for the network during the Rwandan genocide.
Foreign Policy (subscription) - 1 May 2006
By Mark Doyle.
By Pierre Péan.
Between April and July 1994, I spent most of my time reporting on the genocide in Rwanda for the BBC. ...